Why Did Reagan Want to Make America Great Again
Throughout Donald Trump'south tumultuous presidential entrada and tenure, journalists and scholars sought to explain his appeal to many American voters. In the 2016 presidential ballot, as many every bit nine million voters who previously supported Barack Obama, the first Black president, voted for Trump despite his inflammatory race-focused rhetoric (Skelley, 2017). One concept repeatedly emerged within these discussions as a mainstay of Trump'southward political appeal: that of nostalgia, broadly defined as a bittersweet longing for the past. Evidence of Trump's appeals to an earlier fourth dimension in American history have been cited from the beginning of the 2016 presidential campaign through his failed 2020 reelection campaign, ranging from the salient nostalgic reverie of the "Make America Great Again" campaign slogan (Samuelson, 2016) to more coded political rhetoric promising White, working form Americans a render to times that have been lost (Brownstein, 2016).
Some have hypothesized that such cornball rhetoric may capitalize on voters' latent feelings of threat to their economic welfare, or to the racial or cultural homogeneity of American culture (Brownstein, 2016; Smeekes et al., 2020). On a broad scale, nostalgia focused on nationality is a prominent characteristic of right-wing populist political party rhetoric, and evidence from voters in the netherlands suggests that the accent of stigmatizing outgroups and preserving cultural hegemony within cornball messaging is what explains the link between nostalgia and correct-fly populist back up (Smeekes et al., 2020). In the United States, several studies provide strong evidence of a link betwixt support for Trump and group prejudice. For example, survey research has indicated that racial and anti-immigrant resentment strongly predicted voters' support of Trump in 2016, more than so even than voter's feelings of economic threat (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018; Schaffner et al., 2018). Additionally, a longitudinal analysis of police reports evidenced a significant increment in detest crimes reported in Trump-supporting counties in the 6 months following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Yet, no research has of nonetheless established whether Trump's nostalgic rhetoric may be associated with voters' attitudes toward racial outgroups. To this stop, in this paper, we present evidence that national nostalgia, an emotion distinct from personal nostalgia, is associated with increased prejudice as well as support for the populist messaging of Donald Trump.
The Sociality of Nostalgia
Nostalgia is a more often than not positive emotion that increases self-regard, attenuates self-esteem defense, enhances meaning in life, increases perceptions of self-continuity, and lessens feelings of existential threat (Wildschut et al., 2006; Routledge et al., 2008). Nearly people report experiencing nostalgia on a regular basis (Wildschut et al., 2006) and often construction their present in anticipation of experiencing nostalgia in the future (Cheung et al., 2020). Nostalgia is triggered in various ways, including by music, scents, and reflecting on past momentous events (Barrett et al., 2010; Reid et al., 2015; Sedikides et al., 2015b). This emotion also serves vital relational functions, increasing social connectedness and perceived social support (Sedikides et al., 2008).
The social connectedness function of nostalgia is a primary avenue through which nostalgia confers positive psychological benefits. Although nostalgic memories are more likely to be evoked while experiencing negative affect (Wildschut et al., 2006) and loneliness (Zhou et al., 2008), the content of nostalgic memories evoked during these emotional states seem to act as a "repository" of positive affect, positive self-regard, and social connectedness (Sedikides et al., 2008, p. 306). The content of cornball memories is predominantly social, including recollections of close others, important social events, or tangible objects reminiscent of loved ones (Wildschut et al., 2006; Batcho et al., 2008). As a result of this, nostalgic memories seem to indirectly regulate these positive emotions by evoking and making more salient one's symbolic connections with others (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). For instance, nostalgia felt in response to loneliness has been shown to reduce perceptions of isolation and low social support (Zhou et al., 2008). In organizational contexts, cornball emotions buffer the negative furnishings of depression social back up (due to procedural injustice) on reduced cooperation (van Dijke et al., 2015).
Importantly, those who are more likely to experience nostalgia (i.due east., those high in personal nostalgia) are also more motivated to control prejudicial feelings and reduce their expression of prejudices against outgroups every bit a result of these positive benefits (Cheung et al., 2017). Iv studies of Caucasian Americans examined the links between personal nostalgia and the expression of both blatant and more than subtle prejudice toward African Americans (Cheung et al., 2017). They found that the link between personal nostalgia and prejudice reduction was mediated by feelings of empathy, suggesting that the feel of nostalgia offers advantages beyond the self.
National Nostalgia vs. Personal Nostalgia
The link betwixt nostalgia and sociality becomes more complex when considering nostalgia felt for one'due south group. Although nostalgia felt at the individual level confers both intra- and interpersonal benefits, grouping-based nostalgia appears to have a distinct psychological profile from personal nostalgia. Group-based emotions, every bit distinct from individual-level emotions, arise when individuals self-categorize with a social group and integrate the group into their sense of self (Seger et al., 2009). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions can differ markedly from their coordinating individual level counterparts, such as when an individual might feel strong pride and happiness for their home squad while not feeling strong pride in themselves (Smith and Mackie, 2016). Furthermore, grouping-based emotions serve a regulatory role of strengthening positive attitudes and behavioral intentions toward both their ingroup and threatening outgroups (Smith et al., 2007; Seate and Mastro, 2015).
Group-based nostalgia—operationalized as nostalgia felt for events shared with one'southward ingroup, or collective nostalgia—can exist experienced in a multifariousness of social settings, including organizations, school classes (e.g., Class of 2021), cities, and nations (Wildschut et al., 2014; Smeekes, 2015; Green et al., 2021). Like private-level nostalgia, shared memories can include notable events, such as a special performance (band or orchestra), graduation day, homecoming (college class), or sports championships (city). However, different individual-level nostalgia, group-based nostalgia tin occur in the form of a longing for a past that individuals themselves did not experience, only rather one that was passed down through commonage memory (Martinovic et al., 2017). Additionally, collective nostalgia has been shown to increase positive attitudes besides every bit an approach-oriented activeness tendency toward the ingroup relative to an individually experienced nostalgic memory (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study 1). Commonage nostalgia too can increase group-oriented prosociality (e.g., willingness to volunteer or donate money to help the ingroup; Wildschut et al., 2014; Greenish et al., 2021). Collective cocky-esteem mediated this effect: recalling a collective nostalgic event increased commonage self-esteem, which, in turn, increased intentions to volunteer. Other research has found boosted ingroup benefits to collective nostalgia, such a preference for domestic (vs. foreign) consumer products (Dimitriadou et al., 2019) and a promotion of commonage political activity (in Hong Kong; Cheung et al., 2017).
Nevertheless, in that location are 2 sides to this coin. A preference for domestic products is also a bias against foreign products, and the promotion of commonage political action was driven by acrimony and contempt for the outgroup (i.e., Hong Kong residents toward mainland Chinese; Cheung et al., 2017). Individuals who recalled a collective nostalgic memory (vs. an ordinary collective retentiveness) were more than willing to punish outgroup members who were unfair to an ingroup member (Wildschut et al., 2014, Study three). Nevertheless, in some cases, commonage nostalgia might increase intergroup contact when individuals tin experience collective nostalgia for a superordinate group (Martinovic et al., 2017). In a study of former Yugoslavians who had settled in Australia, Bosniaks, Croats, and Serbs who identified with Yugoslavia (when these groups were bound together prior to division and subsequent conflict) reported feeling more cornball for Yugoslavia and reported more contact with the ethnic groups that had resided in the former Yugoslavia (but not control ethnic groups).
National nostalgia is one type of collective nostalgia that is felt while self-categorizing every bit a denizen of a specific land, and is likely to be associated with particular intra- and intergroup attitudes and behavioral intentions. But as personal nostalgia during times of change and upheaval can facilitate coping (due east.g., attenuating loneliness) (Zhou et al., 2008), national nostalgia—a reverie for a state'due south good old days—may increase felt closeness to young man natives during times of national stress or dubiety. Still, nostalgic revelry at the national level may exclude other citizens, such as recent immigrants or minorities (Smeekes and Jetten, 2019). Studies of national nostalgia amid Dutch participants indicated that national nostalgia predicted prejudice toward religious minorities in the country (Smeekes et al., 2014) every bit well as prejudice toward Muslim countries (Smeekes, 2015). Notably, these outgroup attitudes were non predicted past personal nostalgia, which has been shown to be associated with decreased intergroup prejudice (Cheung et al., 2017). This distinction between personal and national nostalgia may lie in the extent to which outgroups pose an emotional threat to the self.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Threat
The intergroup threat theory (Stephan et al., 1999) posits that intergroup prejudice and hostility is largely explained by perceptions of threats to ane'south ingroup past an outgroup. In line with this theory, substantial bear witness has found that intergroup prejudice is strongly influenced by both realistic and symbolic threat perception (Stephan et al., 2002; Mutz, 2018). Realistic threats are perceived threats to one's bodily well-being, and typically include the domains of physical safety, political power, and economic security. Symbolic threats are more abstract, dealing with the cultural norms, ideologies, values, and traditions of one'due south ingroup (Stephan and Stephan, 2000). Realistic threats tend to be elicited from groups that are more than economically powerful, whereas symbolic threats come about from marginalized outgroups who are perceived as highly dissimilar, and thus often inferior, to an ingroup (Stephan et al., 1999). Though these constructs are distinct and examined separately in the literature, there oft is overlap between them, especially considering the demographic, economical, and social dynamics of some ingroups and outgroups. To exist specific, when a marginalized minority grows in political, economic, or representative power, realistic and symbolic threats tin can exist conflated (Craig and Richeson, 2014).
Ane salient factor in perceived threat for members of bulk groups is the size of minority outgroups, with more threat existence evoked by larger outgroups (Giles, 1977; Craig and Richeson, 2018) or fifty-fifty through messages endorsing diversity (Dover et al., 2016). In 1 notable set up of studies by Craig and Richeson (2014), White American participants who read that the The states population was condign more diverse (relative to command conditions)—that the percentage of whites was dropping—reported more explicit (studies 1 and 3) and implicit (studies 2a and 2b) prejudice toward not-White outgroups and pro-White attitudinal bias. One possible caption on why national and personal nostalgia are associated with unlike intergroup attitudes may be due to different levels of social categorization evoked, leading to differing levels of perceived threat. Personal nostalgia, which is associated with continuity of personal identity (Sedikides et al., 2015a) and evokes strong feelings of social connectedness, besides has downstream implications for reducing anxiety and hostility toward outgroup members (for a review, run into Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019). In dissimilarity, feeling national nostalgia is associated with self-categorizing at the group level, evoking one's national identity (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015). Similar to how personal nostalgia may be evoked when feeling disconnection at the individual level, national nostalgia has been shown to be evoked in response to existential concerns well-nigh ane's group-based identity, and may take the beneficial effect of reducing anxiety by bolstering perceptions of group continuity and connection (Smeekes et al., 2018). For example, trait national nostalgia amid Dutch participants was positively associated with wanting to protect national ingroup identity (Smeekes, 2015). Similarly, a cross-national survey across 27 countries found that existential concerns about the future of one's country predicted increased commonage nostalgia, which in turn predicted greater ingroup belonging and anti-immigrant sentiment (Smeekes et al., 2018). However, when the presence or power of outgroups is salient (e.thousand., chronically or by the rhetoric of politicians), national nostalgia may increase perceived threat. Moreover, ingroup continuity may be threatened by consideration of outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2018). This may exist particularly truthful for people whose views of the national past are distorted—for example, when whites in the United States experience a longing for a (whiter and more homogenized) past that never was. Thus, national nostalgia could increment this fear of the futurity, leading to increased prejudice.
With the exception of a subsample of Usa participants included in the cross-national written report of Smeekes et al. (2018), this distinction has not been examined in the United States. Additionally, no studies have directly examined this theorized human relationship in the context of political behavior. Given that the tumultuous Trump years emphasized a number of political problems associated with national and indigenous identities, nosotros extended this line of inquiry past examining whether perceived intergroup threat explains any found relationship betwixt national nostalgia and endorsement of symbolic prejudice.
National Nostalgia and Outgroup Perceptions in the Context of Political Messaging
Contempo work has highlighted the prominence of national nostalgia in the rhetoric of right-fly populist political parties, and in particular its role in posing racial or national outgroups as scapegoats for perceived economic or cultural decline (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020). Political leaders often utilize national nostalgia in rhetorical strategy by emphasizing the discontinuity between a nation's by and present (Mols and Jetten, 2014), which then serves to evoke collective angst about grouping status (Smeekes et al., 2018). A content analysis of speeches by right-wing populist leaders in Western Europe found consistent themes of nostalgia for their country's "glorious by" while denigrating the state's present, every bit well as themes emphasizing that a) opponents of the party were the cause of this discontinuity between past and present, and b) increasing the country'south force and opposition to party opponents would return the nation to its erstwhile glory (Mols and Jetten, 2014). By emphasizing collective identity discontinuity, and then highlighting a potential scapegoat to blame for that discontinuity, populist leaders offering listeners an outlet for restoring psychological well-beingness past denigrating the outgroups believed to be responsible (Smeekes et al., 2018). Indeed, national nostalgia has been shown to explain support for correct-wing populist policies and leaders via the denigration of immigrant and racial outgroups (Smeekes et al., 2020).
Similarly, the role of intergroup relations was a strong focus of Donald Trump's 2016 and 2020 presidential entrada rhetoric1. In the 2016 campaign, Trump borrowed Ronald Reagan's 1980 slogan, "Make America Great Once more," and emphasized claims that the United States had deteriorated from its quondam status. Along with these statements, he made numerous controversial statements on race, implying that changing demographics were, in function, to arraign for this decline (Pettigrew, 2017). This led political pundits to claim that Trump'south supporters were primarily White Americans who felt threatened by changing racial demographics and nostalgic for a past, whiter version of the U.s.a.. Leave polls from the 2016 presidential election appeared to back up some of these claims, as White voters were the simply racial demographic to support Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton, doing so by a large margin of twenty percentage points (CNN, 2016)2. Furthermore, several bookish studies conducted in the wake of the 2016 election further supported the notion that intergroup attitudes played an important part in voters' pick to support Trump. Surveys conducted with representative panels plant that back up for Trump was about strongly predicted by negative attitudes toward the increased proportion of not-White US citizens in the population and anti-globalization attitudes (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Major et al., 2018; Mutz, 2018).
To build upon this research, the aim of our written report was to straight examine how voters' propensity to feel national nostalgia may explicate support for Trump'south populist rhetoric equally well as increases in racial prejudice in the U.s.a. following the 2016 presidential election (Edwards and Rushin, 2018). Furthermore, we hoped to highlight the unique function of perceived realistic and symbolic threats in shaping US voters' political attitudes. We idea information technology appropriate to examine both realistic and symbolic threats given the unique role of Black Americans in United States history and the ever-evolving racial and ethnic demographics of the U.s., of which White Americans are becoming less of a majority (US Census Bureau, 2020).
The Electric current Study
We examined the role of national nostalgia in propagating intergroup racial hostility higher up and across political orientation. Nosotros explored how national nostalgia relates to political and racial attitudes among voters who participated in the 2016 Us presidential election. Nosotros likewise examined the interplay between national nostalgia, pro-Trump attitudes, outgroup prejudice, and perceived outgroup threat.
Although previous research examined survey data taken effectually the fourth dimension of the 2016 presidential race (Hooghe and Dassonneville, 2018; Mutz, 2018), our data were collected ~ane year after the election, allowing us to run into how our participants felt afterwards President Trump had been in office for some time, and whether the nostalgic message of "Making America Great Over again" still resonated with voters. Minimal work on national nostalgia has been conducted, and to date, nearly all of this work has been conducted outside of the Usa; thus, this research would explore the potential link between national nostalgia and political attitudes as well every bit study the phenomenon in the United states sociopolitical mural. In addition, we included a validated measure of personal nostalgia in social club to meliorate examine the association between personal and national nostalgia as well every bit to assess whether each type of nostalgia might be associated with political attitudes.
Hypotheses
Nosotros tested one specific hypothesis and three exploratory research questions, which were pre-registered on Open Science Framework (https://osf.io/mwh6n).
Hypothesis ane. National nostalgia would exist positively related to pro-Trump attitudes (1a). No relationship was expected to be found between personal nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump (1b).
Research Question 1. Volition White or Republican identity be positively related to pro-Trump attitudes?
Enquiry Question 2. Volition national nostalgia exist positively related to racial prejudice?
Research Question 3. Will the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
Method
Participants
An a priori ability assay using G*Ability (Faul et al., 2009) indicated a minimum of 132 individuals would be needed to discover a pocket-size correlation of r = 0.093 with 95% power and α = 0.05. We recruited 252 U.s. citizens who voted in the 2016 presidential election and identified equally either White or Black (57.9% female, and 54.iv% White). Participant historic period ranged from 18 to 79 (M = 36.34, SD = 12.68). Regarding political affiliation, 44.0% of the participants identified every bit Democrats, 25.4% Contained, 23.4% Republican, and 7.2% every bit Other. Participants were recruited through Amazon MTurk (www.mturk.com) during the Fall of 2017 and compensated $0.thirty for completing the survey.
Regarding our sample demographics, White individuals comprised approximately 74% of the electorate in the 2016 ballot (Pew Research Eye, 2018); however, we purposefully oversampled Black voters for the purposes of achieving appropriate statistical power for our analyses. Additionally, Republicans comprised ~31% of the electorate, with Democrats and Independents making up 35 and 34%, respectively. Thus, nosotros feel that our sample is an accurate reflection of the 2016 US voters.
Measures
Personal Nostalgia
The Southampton Nostalgia Calibration (SNS; Routledge et al., 2008) measured personal nostalgia, operationalized as how frequently participants experience nostalgia and how pregnant participants felt nostalgic experiences were to them. The calibration included 7 items (eastward.g., "How valuable is nostalgia for you?") rated from 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). To build on by national nostalgia research (Smeekes et al., 2014), nosotros apply a validated mensurate of personal nostalgia (proneness to feeling personal nostalgia).
National Nostalgia
The National Nostalgia Scale (NNS; Smeekes et al., 2014, Study 1) measured participants' propensity to feel nostalgia on the basis of ane's national ingroup membership. The scale included four items rated from 1 (Very rarely) to v (Very often) scale. The NNS used in this study was modified from the scale of Smeekes and Verkuyten (2015)iv to reverberate American nationality [e.g., "How often practise you long for the America (Netherlands) of the past?"].
Positive Attitudes Toward Trump
In terms of political attitudes, we wanted to assess positive sentiment toward the President as related to the experience of nostalgia. Therefore, we used a modified version of the Land Functions of Nostalgia Scale (SFN; Hepper et al., 2012), which measures the extent to which nostalgia confers the positive benefits of social connectedness, well-being, self-regard, and overall positive affect. Each particular was modified to appraise how participants experienced these benefits equally they related to Donald Trump'southward presidency. This scale consisted of sixteen items (e.g., "Thinking about the election of Donald Trump makes me feel protected/happy/life is worth living"), that were rated on a ane (Non at all) to five (Extremely) scale.
Outgroup Threat Perception
The Realistic Threat Scale (RTS; Stephan et al., 2002) was employed to mensurate realistic threat perceptions (east.1000., of social or economic harm) of Black individuals. The scale was examined only amongst White participants. The measure includes 12 items (e.chiliad., "African Americans hold also many positions of ability and responsibleness in this land") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 7 (Strongly agree) scale.
Racial Prejudice
The Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS; Henry and Sears, 2002) was used to assess cognitive and affective dimensions of racial prejudice toward Black individuals. The measure consisted of eight items (due east.one thousand., "It's really a matter of some people not trying hard enough; if Blacks would only endeavour harder they could be just as well off as Whites.") rated on a 1 (Strongly disagree) to 4 (Strongly agree) scale.
Political Measures
Participants reported their political orientation on a scale ranging from 1 (Very Liberal) to vii (Very Conservative). Participants also chose which party they most strongly identified with (Democrat, Republican, Independent, or Other). Participants then indicated which political candidate they voted for in the 2016 presidential election (Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, or Other). They then responded to the question "How much do you lot experience similar we demand to 'Make America Peachy Again'?" on a one (Not at all) to vii (Extremely) scale. Finally, participants reported their country of origin and whether English was their native language.
Ethnic Identity Salience
The Multi-Ethnic Identity Measure—Revised (MEIM-R; Phinney and Ong, 2007) was used to determine the centrality of participants' racial/ethnic backgrounds to their sense of self. The scale contains such as "I have a strong sense of belonging to my indigenous group," and each detail was rated on a scale of 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree) calibration.
Demographics
Participants last reported their gender, age, and racial identity.
Process
Participants signed up through Amazon Mturk to complete an online survey virtually their attitudes toward the past, race, and politics. After indicating their informed consent, participants responded to all study measures and items in the order described above. All responses were collected over a single, 1 week flow in the Fall of 2017 to avoid history artifacts in the information. Additionally, all participants passed attention checks ensuring that they were properly attending to questionnaire items. For the purposes of this survey, missing more than than two attention check items indicated insufficient attention and warranted non-inclusion of that participant'due south data.
Results
Descriptive statistics and nada-order correlations are displayed in Table 1. To test our hypotheses, we conducted a series of hierarchical linear regression models and bootstrapped arbitration and moderation analyses to assess the relationship between nostalgia (national and personal) and political and intergroup attitudes using SPSS five. 20 and Hayes' Procedure macro v.3 (Hayes, 2013). Following these baseline models, we also back up our findings using path analyses employing maximum likelihood estimation using IBM AMOS v. 26 (Due to a computer mistake, the national nostalgia data from 72 participants were unusable, reducing the n for analyses including national nostalgia to 193, yet to a higher place the target based on the power assay).
Table 1. Descriptive statistics and bivariate correlations amongst report variables.
Chief Hypothesis
Nosotros outset assessed whether national nostalgia and personal nostalgia would be related to pro-Trump attitudes in the ways previously predicted. National nostalgia and personal nostalgia proneness were entered simultaneously in step ii of the model to place their unique relationship with attitudes toward Trump. In pace 1 of the hierarchical model, political orientation significantly predicted pro-Trump attitudes such that higher conservatism was associated with more positive attitudes of Trump, β = 0.59 t(192) = 10.08, p < 0.001. In footstep 2 of the model, national nostalgia was associated with more than pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political amalgamation, β = 0.xxx, t(192) = four.43, p < 0.001, supporting Hypothesis 1a. In dissimilarity, personal nostalgia was not associated with pro-Trump attitudes above and beyond political orientation, β = −0.07, t(192) = −1.13, p = 0.259. Nostalgia predicted a significant proportion of variance in attitudes to a higher place and beyond political orientation, F (ii, 189) = 9.90, p < 0.001, R2Δ = 0.06.
To examine this relationship in a consolidated path modelv, Figure i displays Path Model one, quantifying the relationship betwixt national and personal nostalgia and race, political orientation, indigenous identity salience, and pro-Trump attitudes. The model fit the information somewhat weakly due to the lower sample size [χ2(1) = 23.01, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.89; RMSEA = 0.34; SRMR = 0.03]. As shown in Model 1, Hypothesis ane was again supported: national nostalgia predicted pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.24, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia was unrelated to pro-Trump attitudes (β = −0.08, p = 0.156).
Effigy 1. Path analysis of relationships between national/personal nostalgia, indigenous identity, and pro-Trump attitudes (Model 1). Annotation. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Enquiry Question 1
To appraise whether there was an association between race, political affiliation, and pro-Trump attitudes, nosotros ran a 2 (Racial Identification) × 3 (Political Political party Affiliation) ANOVA. Racial identification was coded with 0 = White/European-American, 1 = Black/African-American (shortened to W/EA and B/AA going frontward). Political political party amalgamation was coded every bit 1 = Republican, 2 = Democrat, and 3 = Contained and were analyzed using an indicator multicategorical contrast. For the purposes of this assay, data from participants who did not place with one of these three major political groups were excluded. The model included 59 Republicans (34 Westward/EA, 25 B/AA), 111 Democrats (48 W/EA, 63 B/AA), and 64 Independents (44 W/EA, 24 B/AA). The factorial model found that party affiliation was the just pregnant predictor of property positive attitudes toward President Trump, F (2, 228) = 47.73, p < 0.001, fractional η2 = 0.xxx, with Republicans (Grand = 3.94, SD = i.22) more than in favor of the president than their Democratic (M = 2.06, SD = 1.26) or Independent (M = 2.27, SD = 1.06) counterparts. At that place was no main effect of participant race (Blackness or White) on attitudes toward the President, F (1, 228) = 0.47, p = 0.57, nor was at that place an interaction betwixt political political party affiliation and participant race, F (2, 228) = 0.05, p = 0.96. Effigy 2 displays these results.
Effigy 2. Human relationship between party affiliation and pro-Trump attitudes by racial identity. Note. Fault bars represent 95% CIs effectually the mean for each subgroup.
To explore these results further, we examined whether ethnic identity salience, rather than race itself, may exist an important qualifying variable in explaining pro-Trump attitudes. We examined whether political political party (dummy coded with Republican = 0 to compare confronting Democrats and Independents) interacted with race (dummy coded with West/EA = 0) to predict racial identity salience (measured by the MEIM) using Hayes' PROCESS macro v. 3.4 (model one). Nosotros conducted a bootstrapped moderation assay with 5,000 resamples, which indicated a meaning higher-order interaction effect between political affiliation and race to predict indigenous identity salience, F (ii, 228) = iii.23, p = 0.041, R2Δ = 0.024. An assay of the simple slope furnishings indicated that there was a stronger divergence in indigenous identity salience amongst White participants compared with Black participants. White Republicans (One thousand = 3.47, SD = 0.92) reported that their racial identity was significantly more important to them than their White Autonomous [M = 3.04, SD = 0.91, b = −0.43, 95% CI = (−0.82, −0.04)] and Independent counterparts [M = 2.89, SD = 0.92, b = −0.59, 95% CI = (−0.98, −0.19)]; uncomplicated slope deviation F (2, 228) = 4.49, p < 0.001. In contrast, no significant difference in racial identity salience was found amidst Blackness/African-American participants; simple gradient difference F (2, 228) = 0.63, p = 0.537. In fact, an analysis of the simple main effect of race among Republicans indicated that White Republicans felt their racial identity was equally equally important to them equally Black participants; M = three.73, SD = 0.83, b = 0.24, 95% CI = (−0.16, 0.63). Black Democrats [b = 0.sixty, 95% CI = (0.37, 0.83)] and Black Independents (b = 0.97, 95% CI = (0.57, 1.36)] reported significantly higher ethnic identity salience compared with White Democrats and Independents (see Figure three).
Figure 3. Racial identity salience among Blackness/African-American and White/European-American participants of dissimilar political affiliations (Republican, Democrat, Independent). Note. Error bars correspond 95% CIs around the mean for each subgroup.
Nosotros also examined whether racial identity salience qualified the human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. A moderation analysis using Hayes' Procedure macro (model one) indicated that higher racial identity salience somewhat strengthened the relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump, just only among White participants; ΔR ii = 0.03, F (1, 77) = 3.94, p = 0.051. Amid those low in racial identity salience, national nostalgia was unrelated to attitudes toward Trump; b = 0.27, 95% CI = (−0.03, 0.58). Those moderate [b = 0.43, 95% CI = (0.18, seventy)] and loftier [b = 0.64, 95% CI = (0.31, 0.97)] in racial identity salience showed a strong relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes.
Every bit a final exam of Research Question ane, a second path model (Path Model two, Figure four) was compared with Path Model 1 to again examine the interaction betwixt nostalgia and ethnic identity (on pro-Trump attitudes), and the interaction betwixt political orientation and race (assessing its relationship with ethnic identity). When interpreting this model, it is important to annotation that path models are generally considered ineffective in examining interaction furnishings (Meyers et al., 2016). Path Model ii showed much improved fit relative to Path Model 1 [χ2(10) = 40.47, p < 0.001, CFI = 0.95, RMSEA = 0.096; SRMR = 0.05]. Probable due to the limitations of path models to compute interaction effects, in contrast to what was shown in the PROCESS model, the interaction between race and political orientation (measured on a continuous calibration) was not significantly associated with ethnic identity (β = −0.08, p = 0.210). Additionally, the interaction term between national nostalgia and ethnic identity was no longer associated with pro-Trump attitudes (β = 0.13, p = 0.607). This suggests that for White participants, greater national nostalgia was associated with increased ethnic identity.
Effigy 4. Path analysis estimating interaction furnishings (race × political orientation and ethnic identity × nostalgia) on pro-Trump attitudes. Note. Path coefficients represent standardized estimates.
Research Question ii
We adjacent examined whether national nostalgia was positively related to racial prejudice. Bivariate correlations indicated that national nostalgia was positively associated with both anti-Blackness racial prejudice measured by the Symbolic Racism Calibration (SRS) as well every bit perceived realistic threat measured by the Realistic Threat Scale (RTS, see Table 1). To further examine the link between national nostalgia and racial prejudice, nosotros tested whether racial prejudice moderated the link betwixt national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward President Trump using Hayes' PROCESS macro (model 1) with 5,000 resamples. A meaning moderation effect was identified. Participants reporting college prejudice exhibited a stronger human relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes; ΔR ii = 0.05, F (i, 178) = xix.60, p < 0.001. Simple slopes were calculated and visualized using the interActive online utility, and are presented in Figure five (McCabe et al., 2018). The relationship between national nostalgia and positive attitudes toward Trump was non-significant at low levels of prejudice (those at to the lowest degree −i SD below the mean of SNS). Withal, for those moderate to high in racial prejudice (0, +1, or +ii SDs above the mean of SNS), national nostalgia positively predicted pro-Trump attitudes (encounter Figure 5). Interestingly, this effect was establish separately for both White [ΔR ii = 0.03, F (one, 77) = 5.93, p = 0.02] and Black participants [ΔR 2 = 0.09, F (1, 97) = 17.44, p < 0.001], only at that place was no significant three-style interaction betwixt national nostalgia, prejudice, and race (p = 0.fourteen), so the results in Figure v are displayed for all participants.
Effigy 5. Relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes chastened by anti-Black racial prejudice. Note. Plots display uncomplicated slopes at −two, −i, 0, +1, and +2 SDs away from the mean of racial prejudice for all participants. PTCL, percentile.
Research Question 3
Volition the relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice exist mediated by increased threat sensitivity?
Nosotros last examined whether the relationship betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice would exist mediated by outgroup threat perception (measured past the Realistic Threat Scale, RTS). A moderated mediation model was synthetic using Hayes' Process macro (model viii) to appraise whether the proposed mediational effect might differ between European-American and African-American participants. As shown in Figure 6, the model indicated a significant indirect outcome of national nostalgia on prejudice through the mediator of perceived threat for both White/EA participants [β = 0.23, 95% CI = (0.12, 0.36)] and Black/AA participants [β = 0.22, 95% CI = (0.xiii, 0.32)]. The mediational indirect result did not differ past participant race; β = 0.07, 95% CI = (−0.fifteen, 0.13).
Figure six. Mediation of national nostalgia relationship with racial prejudice by outgroup threat perception, moderated past participant race.
To examine this question in the context of a path model, Path Model three (Effigy seven) displays the proposed relationships betwixt national nostalgia and racial prejudice. Model 3 showed a moderate fit with the data, χ(ii) = 65.eighty, p < 0.001; CFI = 0.79; RMSEA = 0.41; SRMR = 0.07). When bookkeeping for political orientation, race, national nostalgia, personal nostalgia, racial threat sensitivity, and racial prejudice in a structural equation mediation model, national nostalgia directly predicted racial prejudice (β = 0.21, p < 0.001), whereas personal nostalgia did not (β = 0.03, p = 0.581). The relationship between national nostalgia and racial prejudice was significantly mediated past threat sensitivity [indirect outcome β = 0.18, 95% bias-corrected CI (0.10, 0.26)]. Interestingly, personal nostalgia also showed a weak indirect effect on national nostalgia via threat sensitivity, but in a negative direction [indirect effect β = −0.07, 95% bias-corrected CI (−0.fourteen, −0.01)]. This suggests that greater personal nostalgia may weakly predict lower racial prejudice via reduced racial threat sensitivity.
Figure seven. Path assay of relationships between national/personal nostalgia and prejudice, mediated by racial threat sensitivity (Model 3). Note. Path coefficients stand for standardized estimates. Indirect outcome of national nostalgia on racial prejudice through racial threat sensitivity was pregnant [β = 0.18; 95% bias-corrected CI (0.x, 0.26)].
Discussion
In our report, national nostalgia was associated with more positive feelings about President Trump, besides every bit increased perceived racial threat amid White respondents. In contrast, personal nostalgia was unrelated to support for Trump or perceived racial threat. When assessed in a path model, personal nostalgia was really associated indirectly with lower anti-Black prejudice via decreased racial threat sensitivity. These findings align with show from samples outside the United States (e.g., Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Smeekes et al., 2020) that personal and national nostalgia are singled-out experiences with unique ramifications for intergroup attitudes and relations. Though our overall finding that national nostalgia predicted Trump support could reflect a potent semantic connection betwixt Trump and its 2016 presidential campaign slogan, it also may point to the appeal of Trump's campaign—and its right wing, populist sentiments—among those initially prone to feeling national nostalgia. To better respond this question, our next analyses investigated more closely the relationship between national nostalgia and identity.
Our kickoff research question asked whether identity was associated with national nostalgia. We institute partial evidence for this thought, as Republican participants expressed greater positive attitudes toward Trump. Nevertheless, there was no testify of a relationship between race and back up for the President. At offset glance, this finding does not align with media narratives and political polling suggesting that Trump'due south messaging appealed mostly to White voters. Yet, although race itself did not predict support for the President, racial identity salience moderated the link between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes. White Republicans felt more strongly connected to their racial identity than Whites who identified every bit either Democrats or Independents. White Republicans also expressed significantly more positive feelings toward the President than other groups. In fact, they rated their racial identity as important every bit Black participants in our sample. This is notable, as it evidences further support for the influence of White identity on political attitudes (Schildkraut, 2015). Equally members of the bulk grouping, White individuals typically are less probable to think of themselves in terms of race than people of color, for whom race is a more than centralized component of their identity (Steck et al., 2003).
This finding suggests that the perception of demographic changes and threats to the dominant ingroup in the United States may indeed have been a disquisitional gene in voters' choice to support Trump. Some research suggests that, in the current political climate, White Americans may increasingly identify with their Whiteness, as a consequence of threat resulting from shifting racial demographics (Jardina, 2019). Even so, at that place is an issue of causality, equally these correlational data could indicate that the perception of such a threat may increment the salience of one's racial identity. This threat may be perceived more strongly by those for whom a White racial identity was already a more central part of their self-concept. For instance, Schildkraut (2015) found that White Americans with higher White identity scores, forth with heightened perception of discrimination against Whites and feeling a sense of linked fate with other White Americans, were substantially more probable to politically endorse a White candidate. This suggests that the threat to White identity, along with other related constructs, may influence political attitudes and may also offering an explanation on why leaders invoking national nostalgia may be so bonny to some individuals. This type of rhetoric typically emphasizes commonage identity discontinuity in gild to foment feet about the state of the state while simultaneously offering a restorative outlet by identifying racial outgroups as scapegoats.
The function of intergroup attitudes was apparent when examining the relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump support. We constitute that national nostalgia significantly predicted racial prejudice and that this relationship was mediated by perceived outgroup threat. Interestingly, this mediational effect was constitute among both White/EA and Black/AA participants, although the lack of a significant interaction effect may have been due to lower ability. Additionally, nosotros found a stronger relationship between national nostalgia and pro-Trump attitudes among those who reported more prejudice toward Black individuals. These findings marshal with bear witness that group emotions motivate intergroup attitudes and, in item, outgroup derogation when outgroups are perceived to be a threat (Smith et al., 2007; Wildschut et al., 2014). In item, these findings align with converging testify that the content of collective nostalgia—what individuals perceive to exist "the good old days" for their identity group—reflects salient sources of perceived threat (Wohl et al., 2020). This conceptual model, highlighting the content of commonage nostalgia, also explains differences between the emotional outcomes of personal and national nostalgia. Whereas, personal nostalgia enhances feelings of belonging past evoking memories of positive intrapersonal experiences in the face of ostracism or loneliness, national nostalgia may enhance belongingness by evoking positive thoughts about the "skilful one-time days" when one'southward group was perceived to be higher in status or less threatened by outgroups. It is also possible that national nostalgia, like personal nostalgia, may enhance feelings of continuity in its own mode, past allowing individuals to feel connected to a time in which they believed their ingroup identity was less threatened or somehow stronger. Recent piece of work supports the notion that, analogous to personal nostalgia, enhancing feelings of cocky-continuity (Sedikides and Wildschut, 2019), national nostalgia is linked to feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018). A study across 27 countries found that national nostalgia was associated with stronger feelings of ingroup continuity (Smeekes et al., 2018); ingroup belonging just non prejudice (outgroup rejection) appeared to mediate this link. Since relatively lilliputian research on commonage nostalgia, particularly national nostalgia, has been undertaken, future piece of work should examine these questions via multiple methods, specially longitudinal and experimental designs, which can place whether and to what extent self-continuity is enhanced by (or itself predicts) commonage nostalgia in response to outgroup threat.
Constraint on Generalizability
These data were obtained from a cantankerous-sectional group of United states Mturk workers in the Fall of 2017, and then these results are most generalizable to American middle-aged populations (Huff and Tingley, 2015). Additionally, these considerations of intergroup threat perception and prejudice are most generalizable to White/EA and Black/AA social groups within the United States, and future assay of national nostalgia should continue to appraise different ethnicities, races, and other relevant social categories.
Hereafter Directions
These findings heighten the question on whether national nostalgia stems from a desire by some to go dorsum in time, due to perceived group identity threats. Future research should employ longitudinal or experimental methods, such every bit manipulating identity threat, to examine whether national nostalgia arises equally a defense against perceived threats to 1'south ingroup. Relatedly, information technology is only recently that national nostalgia has been manipulated (Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015; Wohl et al., 2020), as the majority of national nostalgia research has been at the trait level. Further work evoking national nostalgia in experimental contexts would allow usa to improve empathise how this emotion interacts with intergroup attitudes, prejudice, and feelings of threat. We should besides continue to examine how the importance of racial identity, including white racial identity, plays a role in their political attitudes and actual voting behavior. The need for further research in this area has grown essentially in contempo years, particularly in calorie-free of events such as those that took identify in Charlottesville in 2017 and at the US Capitol Edifice in early 2021, in which large groups of White Nationalists gathered in events that ultimately turned tearing.
An additional question to be explored is the extent to which national nostalgia operates within specific cultures and nations. Although Trump's presidential tenure has concluded, the importance of these findings is not constrained only to the rhetoric from his campaign. Rather, the use of national nostalgia in political communication is widespread (Mols and Jetten, 2014; Smeekes et al., 2020) and has far-reaching implications. Future research should examine the office of national nostalgia in shaping attitudes toward demagogues in a variety of settings and when because a diversity of societal outcomes. Our findings suggest that national nostalgia may influence intergroup attitudes as a grouping-based emotion broadly through evoking positive emotions well-nigh one'due south national group identity. However, the nature of the construct suggests it may besides operate through evoking shared historical knowledge and schemas about one'south group within a specific nation. The phrase "make America great again" and other cornball political rhetoric is particularly controversial in the U.s. because minority groups take achieved significant advances in civil rights in recent history, and a phone call to return to a erstwhile fourth dimension may imply a telephone call for a render to a former and less egalitarian social hierarchy. Hereafter research on national nostalgia should explore the nuances of this emotion and its expression among various indigenous and social groups in different countries. Expressions of national nostalgia may evoke intergroup hostility to a bottom extent within nations with different histories.
Future research might as well examine the extent to which perceptions of outgroup threat stem from realistic (e.thousand., economic) vs. symbolic (e.g., social/moral) concerns. Prior research has theorized that symbolic threats (rather than realistic threats) may be more psychologically influential on voter support for right-wing populist ideology, as concerns near immigration and intergroup relations tend to emphasize the importance of preserving cultural homogeneity (Smeekes et al., 2020). Agreement the source and salience of perceived economic and cultural threats could help inform interventions to assuage anxiety, thus reducing prejudice toward outgroups. Finally, with the always-evolving demographic makeup of the Usa (too as many other countries), further work in this expanse should include individuals who identify with other racial groups beyond White or Black, and should also be expanded to look at different identities such as gender, sexual orientation, religion, immigrant status, social class, educational activity level, and nation of origin.
Coda
National nostalgia, a form of collective nostalgic experience, is a promising lens through which to analyze attitudes, such as political and prejudicial attitudes, particularly when combined with assessments of identity salience and perceived outgroup threat. Research to appointment on national nostalgia is relatively new. Although this phenomenon has been studied elsewhere (generally in European and Asian nations), this is the first study, to our noesis, to examine the US political landscape. Personal nostalgia—a wistful longing for one'south personal past—does not accept the same associations with political and group attitudes, and only moderately correlates with national nostalgia. In dissimilarity, national nostalgia, particularly in combination with white identity salience and outgroup threat perception, predicted both prejudice and political attitudes.
At that place may be some irony in the possibility that national nostalgia may include beliefs for a past that never was; in this example, an America that was not as white equally some recollect. Nevertheless, these national nostalgic feelings announced to be linked to important social attitudes, and thus are worthy of further investigation.
Information Availability Statement
The datasets presented in this study tin be constitute in online repositories. All reported written report hypotheses, measures, and methods were preregistered through the Open Science Framework, available at https://osf.io/mwh6n. De-identified information and report information can be viewed at https://osf.io/6j4gm/. Some survey measures listed in the preregistration were not analyzed in this written report and therefore non listed in this written report.
Ideals Statement
The studies involving man participants were reviewed and canonical past Virginia Republic Academy IRB. The patients/participants provided their written informed consent to participate in this written report.
Writer Contributions
AB, AC, and CH compiled and submitted all documentation for IRB ethics review and OSF pre-registration. AB and Ac oversaw data collection and analysis. AB wrote the first draft of the manuscript. All authors collectively contributed to the conception and pattern of the written report and assisted with subsequent revisions.
Disharmonize of Interest
The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of whatsoever commercial or fiscal relationships that could be construed every bit a potential conflict of interest.
Footnotes
1. ^We note that intergroup relations were also a salient theme in the 2020 ballot (eastward.g., the role of the Blackness Lives Matter movement); however, as our data were collected in 2017, we emphasize the 2016 ballot in this paper.
2. ^Though a bulk of all non-White voters supported Hillary Clinton over Donald Trump, the exit polls showed that the greatest differential was among Black voters, who voted in Clinton's favor by a margin of 89 to 8% (CNN, 2016). Thus, nosotros chose to use Black voters every bit a comparing group to the Caucasian sample.
3. ^The Pearson correlation between national nostalgia and outgroup prejudice reported by Smeekes and Verkuyten, 2015, report ii).
4. ^The authors would like to annotation that this scale was not included in the original pre-registration, equally it was published only prior to the time this study was developed. All the same, the decision was made prior to information collection to utilize this validated scale every bit a more direct and statistically audio way to measure the construct of national nostalgia.
five. ^Although structural equation models are oftentimes used to model paths among blended variables (such as national and personal nostalgia), we opted to use a path model for these analyses given that our sample was not large enough to justify inclusion of all individual items in the model.
6. ^Although RMSEA greater than 0.08 is often considered marginal fit, RMSEA has been known to become inflated with sample sizes lower than 200 (Meyers et al., 2016).
References
Barrett, F. S., Grimm, K. J., Robins, R. W., Wildschut, T., Sedikides, C., and Janata, P. (2010). Music-evoked nostalgia: touch on, memory, and personality. Emotion 10, 390–403. doi: 10.1037/a0019006
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Batcho, Thou. I., DaRin, K. Fifty., Nave, A. M., and Yaworsky, R. R. (2008). Nostalgia and identity in vocal lyrics. Psychol. Aesth. Creativ. Arts 2, 236–244. doi: 10.1037/1931-3896.ii.4.236
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Cheung, West. Y., Hepper, Eastward. G., Reid, C. A., Green, J. D., Wildschut, T., and Sedikides, C. (2020). Anticipated nostalgia: looking forward to looking back. Cogn. Emot. 34, 511–525. doi: 10.1080/02699931.2019.1649247
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Cheung, W. Y., Sedikides, C., and Wildschut, T. (2017). Nostalgia proneness and reduced prejudice. Pers. Individ. Dif. 109, 89–97. doi: 10.1016/j.paid.2016.12.045
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Craig, Chiliad. A., and Richeson, J. A. (2018). Bulk no more? The influence of neighborhood racial variety and salient national population changes on whites' perceptions of racial discrimination. RSF: the Russell Sage Foundation. J. Soc. Sci. 4, 141–157. doi: x.7758/rsf.2018.iv.5.07
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Craig, M. A., and Richeson, J. A. (2014). More diverse yet less tolerant? How the increasingly-diverse racial landscape affects white Americans' racial attitudes. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 40, 750–761. doi: 10.1177/0146167214524993
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Dimitriadou, M., Maciejovsky, B., Wildschut, T., and Sedikides, C. (2019). Commonage nostalgia and domestic state bias. J. Exp. Psychol. Appl. 25, 445–457. doi: x.1037/xap0000209
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Dover, T. Fifty., Major, B., and Kaiser, C. R. (2016). Members of high-status groups are threatened by pro-diverseness organizational messages. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 62, 58–67. doi: ten.1016/j.jesp.2015.10.006
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Edwards, G. S., and Rushin, S. (2018). The Effect of President Trump's Election on Hate Crimes. Social Science Research Network.
Google Scholar
Faul, F., Erdfelder, E., Buchner, A., and Lang, A. G. (2009). Statistical ability analyses using G* Ability 3.1: tests for correlation and regression analyses. Behav. Res. Methods 41, 1149–1160. doi: 10.3758/BRM.41.iv.1149
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Giles, M. Due west. (1977). Percent blackness and racial hostility: an one-time assumption reexamined. Soc. Sci. Q. 58, 412–417. doi: 10.1177/104438947705800704
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Light-green, J. D., Cairo, A. H., Sedikides, S., and Wildschut. (2021). The ties that bind: academy nostalgia fosters relational and commonage university engagement. Front. Soc. Psychol. 11:580731. doi: ten.3389/fpsyg.2020.580731
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Hayes, A. F. (2013). Introduction to Mediation, Moderation, and Conditional Process Analysis: A Regression-Based Approach. New York, NY: The Guilford Press.
Google Scholar
Henry, P. J., and Sears, D. O. (2002). The symbolic racism 2000 scale. Polit. Psychol. 23, 253–283. doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00281
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Hepper, E. Thousand., Ritchie, T. D., Sedikides, C., and Wildschut, T. (2012). Odyssey'due south finish: Lay conceptions of nostalgia reflect its original Homeric meaning. Emotion 12, 102–119. doi: 10.1037/a0025167
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Hooghe, M., and Dassonneville, R. (2018). Explaining the trump vote: the result of racist resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments. PS Political Sci. Politics 51, 528–534. doi: 10.1017/S1049096518000367
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Huff, C., and Tingley, D. (2015). "Who are these people?" Evaluating the demographic characteristics and political preferences of MTurk survey respondents. Res. Politics 2, ane–12. doi: x.1177/2053168015604648
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Jardina, A. (2019). White Identity Politics. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Google Scholar
Major, B., Blodorn, A., and Blascovich, G. M. (2018). The threat of increasing diversity: why many White Americans back up Trump in the 2016 presidential election. Group Proc. Intergroup Relat. 21, 931–940. doi: ten.1177/1368430216677304
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Martinovic, B., Jetten, J., Smeekes, A., and Verkuyten, One thousand. (2017). Collective memory of a dissolved country: group-based nostalgia and guilt consignment as predictors of interethnic relations between diaspora groups from erstwhile Yugoslavia. J. Soc. Political Psychol. five, 588–607. doi: 10.5964/jspp.v5i2.733
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
McCabe, C., Kim, D., and King, K. (2018). Improving present practices in the visual display of interactions. Adv. Methods Pract. Psychol. Sci. 1, 147–165. doi: 10.1177/2515245917746792
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Meyers, L. G., Garst, Thou., and Guarino, A. J. (2016). Applied Multivariate Enquiry: Design and Interpretation. G Oaks, CA: Sage.
Google Scholar
Mols, F., and Jetten, J. (2014). No guts, no glory: how framing the collective past paves the way for anti-immigrant sentiments. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 43, 74–86. doi: ten.1016/j.ijintrel.2014.08.014
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Pettigrew, T. F. (2017). Social psychological perspectives on Trump supporters. J. Soc. Political Psychol5, 107–116. doi: 10.5964/jspp.v5i1.750
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Phinney, J. S., and Ong, A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity: electric current status and future directions. J. Couns. Psychol. 54, 271–281. doi: ten.1037/0022-0167.54.three.271
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Reid, C. A., Green, J. D., Wildschut, T., and Sedikides, C. (2015). Odour-evoked nostalgia. Memory 23, 157–166. doi: x.1080/09658211.2013.876048
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Routledge, C., Arndt, J., Sedikides, C., and Wildschut, T. (2008). A blast from the past: the terror direction function of nostalgia. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 44, 132–140. doi: x.1016/j.jesp.2006.11.001
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Schaffner, B. F., Macwilliams, M., and Nteta, T. (2018). Agreement White polarization in the 2016 vote for president: the sobering role of racism and sexism. Polit. Sci. Q. 133, 9–34. doi: 10.1002/polq.12737
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Schildkraut, D. J. (2015). "Does becoming American create a better American? How identity attachments and perceptions of discrimination touch trust and obligation," in Fear, Anxiety, and National Identity, eds Northward. Foner and P. Simon (New York, NY: The Russell Sage Foundation).
Google Scholar
Seate, A. A., and Mastro, D. (2015). Media'southward influence on immigration attitudes: an intergroup threat theory approach. Commun. Monogr. 83, 194–213. doi: ten.1080/03637751.2015.1068433
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Sedikides, C., and Wildschut, T. (2019). The sociality of personal and collective nostalgia. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. xxx, 123–173. doi: 10.1080/10463283.2019.1630098
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Sedikides, C., Wildschut, T., Arndt, J., and Routledge, C. (2008). Nostalgia: past, present, and future. Curr. Dir. Psychol. Sci. 17, 304–307. doi: 10.1111/j.1467-8721.2008.00595.x
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Sedikides, C., Wildschut, T., Routledge, C., and Arndt, J. (2015a). Nostalgia counteracts cocky-aperture and restores self continuity. Eur. J. Soc. Psychol. 45, 52–61. doi: x.1002/ejsp.2073
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Sedikides, C., Wildschut, T., Routledge, C., Arndt, J., Hepper, E. G., and Zhou, X. (2015b). To nostalgize: mixing memory with affect and desire. Adv. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 51, 189–273. doi: 10.1016/bs.aesp.2014.10.001
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Seger, C. R., Smith, E. R., and Mackie, D. Grand. (2009). Subtle activation of a social categorization triggers group-level emotions. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 45, 460–467. doi: 10.1016/j.jesp.2008.12.004
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Skelley, G. (2017). Merely How Many Obama 2012-Trump 2016 Voters were at that place? Rasmussen Reports.
Google Scholar
Smeekes, A. (2015). National nostalgia: a grouping-based emotion that benefits the in-group but hampers intergroup relations. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 49, 54–67. doi: 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2015.07.001
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smeekes, A., and Jetten, J. (2019). Longing for one's habitation country: national nostalgia and acculturation amongst immigrants and natives. Int. J. Intercult. Relat. 69, 131–150. doi: 10.1016/j.ijintrel.2019.02.001
CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Smeekes, A., Jetten, J., Verkuyten, M., Wohl, M. J., Jasinskaja-Lahti, I., Ariyanto, A., et al. (2018). Regaining in-group continuity in times of feet most the group'south future. Soc. Psychol. 49, 311–329. doi: 10.1027/1864-9335/a000350
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smeekes, A., and Verkuyten, M. (2015). The presence of the past: identity continuity and group dynamics. Eur. Rev. Soc. Psychol. 26, 162–202. doi: ten.1080/10463283.2015.1112653
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smeekes, A., Verkuyten, One thousand., and Martinovic, B. (2014). Longing for the country's good sometime days: national nostalgia, autochthony beliefs, and opposition to Muslim expressive rights. Br. J. Soc. Psychol. 54, 561–580. doi: 10.1111/bjso.12097
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smeekes, A., Wildschut, T., and Sedikides, C. (2020). Longing for the "good old days" of our country: national nostalgia equally a new master-frame of populist radical-right parties. J. Theoret. Soc. Psychol. doi: 10.1002/jts5.78
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smith, East. R., and Mackie, D. Thou. (2016). Representation and incorporation of close others' responses: the RICOR model of social influence. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Rev. 20, 311–331. doi: x.1177/1088868315598256
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Smith, Eastward. R., Seger, C. R., and Mackie, D. K. (2007). Can emotions be truly grouping level? Evidence for four conceptual criteria. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 93, 431–446. doi: x.1037/0022-3514.93.iii.431
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Steck, 50. West., Heckert, D. M., and Heckert, D. A. (2003). The salience of racial identity among African-American and White students. Race Soc. 6, 57–73. doi: 10.1016/j.racsoc.2004.09.005
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Stephan, W. G., Boniecki, K. A., Ybarra, O., Bettencourt, A., Ervin, K. Southward., Jackson, L. A., et al. (2002). The part of threats in the racial attitudes of Blacks and Whites. Pers. Soc. Psychol. Bull. 28, 1242–1254. doi: ten.1177/01461672022812009
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Stephan, West. G., and Stephan, C. W. (2000). "An integrated threat theory of prejudice," in Reducing Prejudice and Discrimination ed Oskamp, S. (Mahwah, NJ: Psychology Press), 23–45.
PubMed Abstract | Google Scholar
Stephan, Westward. K., Ybarra, O., and Bachman, Yard. (1999). Prejudice toward immigrants. J. Appl. Soc. Psychol. 29, 2221–2237. doi: 10.1111/j.1559-1816.1999.tb00107.x
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
van Dijke, M., Wildschut, T., Leunissen, J., and Sedikides, C. (2015). Nostalgia buffers the negative impact of low procedural justice on cooperation. Organ. Behav. Hum. Decis. Process. 127, xv–29. doi: 10.1016/j.obhdp.2014.eleven.005
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Wildschut, T., Bruder, Grand., Robertson, S., van Tilburg, W. A. P., and Sedikides, C. (2014). Collective nostalgia: a group-level emotion that confers unique benefits on the grouping. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 107, 844–863. doi: ten.1037/a0037760
PubMed Abstract | CrossRef Total Text | Google Scholar
Wildschut, T., Sedikides, C., Arndt, J., and Routledge, C. (2006). Nostalgia: content, triggers, functions. J. Pers. Soc. Psychol. 91, 975–993. doi: ten.1037/0022-3514.91.five.975
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Wohl, M. J., Stefaniak, A., and Smeekes, A. (2020). Longing is in the retentiveness of the beholder: commonage nostalgia content determines the method members will support to make their group great again. J. Exp. Soc. Psychol. 91:104044. doi: 10.1016/j.jesp.2020.104044
CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
Zhou, X., Sedikides, C., Wildschut, T., and Gao, D. G. (2008). Counteracting loneliness: on the restorative function of nostalgia. Psychol. Sci. nineteen, 1023–1029. doi: x.1111/j.1467-9280.2008.02194.x
PubMed Abstruse | CrossRef Full Text | Google Scholar
gonzaleswidefirearm.blogspot.com
Source: https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2021.555667/full
0 Response to "Why Did Reagan Want to Make America Great Again"
Post a Comment